Former dictator Daniel arap Moi must be smiling
all the way to the political bank. His emboldened intellectual surrogates have
dusted off their fimbo ya nyayo pens and are crawling out of the
woodwork of political irrelevance.
They are out to rewrite Moi’s history of
corruption and oppression and their role in it. In the process, they want to
redefine the role of the intellectual into that of an apologist for oppression
and misrule.
Such was David Maillu’s ‘Open
Letter to Ngugi’ (Saturday Nation, January 4, 2013).
Ostensibly it is an emotive attempt to ask Ngugi
wa Thiong’o to return home, but it soon becomes a record of how Maillu, at each
critical turn in Kenyan history, chose silence and intellectual hypocrisy.
These critical moments include 1978, when Moi
took over power and promised to follow in Jomo Kenyatta’s footsteps; the 1980s
when the Moi dictatorship was at its most flagrant; and the third during
Kenya’s turbulent transition to democracy in the 2000s.
Maillu seems very proud of his attempts to
recruit Ngugi and others into his way of silence. His advice to the newly
released Ngugi from detention is that it is better that Ngugi waits out the Moi
regime rather than continue his struggle against the systematic repression of
Kenyans.
So he tells him: “Brother…You are a very special
person to Kenyans. Save yourself for us by diverting from writing raw-nerve
books like Ngahika Ndenda in order to buy time for the hostile regime
to cool down.”
What Maillu is really saying is that in time of
oppression, it is better to be silent.
What is the lesson here for my generation of
intellectuals and writers? That if the Kenyatta-Ruto regime or any other were
to turn oppressive, that we should remain silent and all will be well?
Look at his encounter with Ngugi in Stockholm.
The contrast is telling. Ngugi, languishing in exile, is spreading awareness of
the intensified repression at home. But Maillu, well-nourished by silence, asks
Ngugi: “Why do you tell these white people such things about your mother
country when you know too well that even if the white people were murderers
they would keep silent about it to outsiders?”
The fastest way of silencing intellectuals
outside their country is to accuse them of washing dirty linen in international
public. Yet without international pressure on oppressive regimes, political
change would be slow and more arduous.
Hundreds of European intellectuals spoke out
against Hitler and Franco and Mussolini. Some even joined the military effort
against dictatorship.
The international pressure that followed, whether
through the London-based committee for the Release Political Prisoners or
Amnesty International, was necessary to procure the release of those detained
without trial or railroaded through kangaroo courts, like Willy Mutunga, Alamin
Mazrui, Edward Oyugi, or Maina wa Kinyatti, to mention a few.
Theirs was not simply a case of airing dirty
linen in public; the international and internal pressure was crucial to the
eventual demise of the Moi regime. The efforts of Ngugi and Micere Mugo and
others in exile allied with those of Kenyans within, were ultimately successful.
In his letter, Maillu insidiously attempts to put
a wedge between Kenyans abroad and those at home. So he asks Prof Evan Mwangi
of Northwestern University — Illinois: “Why are you working in America instead
of coming home to help build the nation intellectually?”
But there are more useful ways of asking the same
question. What role can the Kenyan diaspora play in the intellectual and
economic development of Kenya? Or can Kenyan professors in the West get their
institutions to work with our Kenyan universities? How can Kenyans at home and
abroad start scholarly journals that will contribute to the diaspora and Kenyan
intellectual spaces?
Or even better, since it is no longer a secret
that with immigration laws tightening in the United States that life is getting
harder for Kenyans – why not ask the one question I have not yet heard anybody
ask: What should the Kenyan government do to ensure that Kenyans abroad are
accorded the same dignity and welcome that our country accords to white
European and American workers and visitors?
So desperate is Maillu to rewrite himself into
relevance that to his five or so followers, he has taken to calling out Ngugi
on twitter.
To Ngugi he says: “How about starting
‘Intellectual Elders Club?’” I assume he would be part of it. In another tweet
he says: “Ngugi, come, let’s start ‘Insurance for Creative Writers.’” In
another tweet he says “Ngugi, how about Kamirithu Drama Institute?”
And yet in another tweet that shows he is getting
obsessed with tying to clean his name through intellectuals who have stood on
the right side of history, he asks Prof. Micere Mugo: “How about setting up
something like Micere Mugo Institute of Gender Studies?”
The better question is this: Why would
intellectuals like Ngugi and Micere, who have dedicated their lives to fighting
against the exploitation and oppression of the Kenyan people and have suffered
detention and exile, want to align themselves with Moi apologists?
It is important to make a distinction between
Maillu, the writer of popular fiction to whom I even dedicated my first novel,
Nairobi Heat, and Maillu, the political intellectual apologist.
It is Maillu the political apologist who needs to
first tell Kenyan people why he was silent as his colleagues were being
detained, exiled and even killed.
Instead of the Moist intellectuals trying to
rewrite themselves into a history of struggle by bringing down those who fought
against Moi and today fight against Moism without Moi, they need to air their
dirty political laundry in public, in our full view.
They need to account for their silence when
Kenyans needed them most.
Mukoma Wa Ngugi is an Assistant Professor of
English at Cornell University (USA), the author of Black Star Nairobi
(Melville, 2013) and Nairobi Heat (EAEP, 2013)
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